It has sometimes been surmised that the international system is characterized by anarchy. This is with regard to the nature of the interaction between the nation-states in the system. This interaction is seen to be characterized by power and the pursuit of interests by the states. In the absence of an executive authority, as in the domestic environment, states in the international arena appear to be imbued with an unfettered latitude in pursuing these co-called interests, which are themselves determined by the states. This appears to be a major recipe for chaos; since the individual determination of interests by sets works to ensure not only a conflict of interests, but more sinisterly the determination or predilection to achieve such interests at the obvious expense of another or other states’ interests. This was the attitude that characterized the European state system of the 19th and early 20th centuries.
But as professors Olusola Ojo and Amadu essay have once again pointed out, “the absence of a central government authority does not in any way make the international system synonymous with anarchy or chaos”.9 this assertion would appear more appropriate with regard to the international system of the period beginning from the end of the First World War- (what is sometimes referred to as the contemporary international system). From this period onwards, two universal organization – the league of nations and the united nations evolved: not only to attempt a more rigorous regulation of state conduct and inter-state interactions, but also , and more importantly, to create some form of sanctions in case of infractions or any violent violations of such norms of international behaviour agreed upon and adopted by member nations of the organizations. This was the harbinger of the so-called sanctions regime, and other forms of collective security mechanisms as enunciated in chapter VII 10 of the UN Charter.
Prior to this period, the international system, especially in the 19th and early 20th century Europe was characterized by combative nationalism which was manifesting in unhealthy rivalry and competition geared towards the acquisition of territories and sources of raw materials and markets for the products of the home industries of the various powers. In this period, no organization retained any universal judicial and or executive authority to compel adherence to any universally accepted norms of behaviour by the nation-states. This does not mean, however, that such norms never existed until contemporary times. The Italian city-states had adopted and popularized some norms of diplomatic practice in the late middle ages11. Building on the foundations laid by the city states of ancient Greece, and laying the foundations of modern norms of inter-state relations in various respects. But the ‘combative nationalism’ of the 19th century Europe, earlier referred to, ensured that these norms were largely observed in the breach.
The practice of periodic conferences by the Europe powers in the early 19th century, the so-called concert of Europe (1815) which aimed at preserving some level of sanity in inter-state relations following the horrors of the Napoleonic and revolutionary wars, could not achieve much before it collapsed barely a decade later, having been overwhelmed by the same germ of virulent nationalism.
Even in the so-called contemporary international system, one has continued to observe more of anarchy than order. Collective security measurers to redress aggressions tend to apply only against small and medium powers – Korea (1950), Iraq (1990), etc . aggression by great powers have been allowed to continue to accentuate the anarchic nature of the international system –Soviet-Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), Afghanistan (1979), US-Grenada (1983) , Libya (1987), Iraq (2003) Italian –Ethiopia (1936) , etc. these and more are all instance of egregious violations of the sovereignty of small stat4s by great powers which have attracted little or no sanction by the international community.
It is thus reasonable to surmise that the absence of an effective and independent executive authority within the international system has tended to accentuate the anarchic nature and structure of the system, rather ameliorating it. It is indeed true that norms of international behaviour and conduct exist in various spheres of inter-state interactions, but these norms have never been allowed to apply or operate across the board. State interests pursued in terms of ‘power’ have continued to be a hindrance to this.
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